Freedom For Biafra
The Biafra Flag
Written By Gunther Fehlinger-Jahn @GunterFehlinger
Biafra’s Right to Self-Determination — A Call from Gunther Fehlinger-Jahn
An apology for the past. A pledge for a peaceful future. A blueprint for recovery.
Few chapters of post-colonial Africa are more painful — or more morally urgent to revisit — than the tragedy of Biafra. Between 1967 and 1970 the attempt by the Eastern Region of Nigeria to secure independence as the Republic of Biafra ended in a brutal civil war. The blockade, the famine that followed, and the international paralysis that allowed millions to suffer remain one of the great moral failures of the modern age. Today I write not to relitigate history for the sake of grievance, but to insist on a just, humane, and forward-looking solution: recognition of Biafra’s right to self-determination where that is freely and peacefully expressed, and a concrete international programme to help rebuild prosperity and security for the people of the Eastern Region.
An apology for abandonment: Nixon and the moral cost of silence
History must be named plainly. Declassified documents from the Nixon administration and diplomatic analysis from the period make clear that the United States — under President Richard Nixon — had the means to exert greater leverage to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe that unfolded, yet geopolitical priorities and calculations of national interest led to insufficient action on behalf of starving civilians. For that failure — for the thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, who died in hunger and preventable suffering while the world debated interests and strategy — an apology is due in spirit and in policy from those powers whose choices made a difference. An apology would not change the past, but it would signal a renewed commitment to act differently: to elevate human life above narrow short-term strategic calculations.
Why this matters now — and what “Fehlinger Doctrine” means for Ex-Nigeria
The world has changed since 1970, but the core principle that must guide Western foreign policy remains: the sovereignty of peoples to live in dignity, and the responsibility of stronger powers to prevent mass suffering and to assist transitions peacefully and lawfully. My Fehlinger Doctrine is a practical principle built from that belief:
1. Rightful self-determination, peaceful process — Peoples with clear, democratic and verifiable aspirations for self-rule deserve impartial international facilitation (referenda, OSCE/EU/UN observers), not unilateral suppression.
2. Managed, peaceful partition where needed — When state structures systematically exclude or endanger a large community, an internationally supervised, peaceful political transformation — an “Ex-State” approach — can be preferable to prolonged conflict.
3. Immediate humanitarian and security guarantees — Independent mechanisms to protect civilians, demilitarise borders, and prevent reprisals as political transitions occur.
4. Reconstruction by partnership, not patronage — Integration into trade networks, currency arrangements, and targeted investment designed to make new states economically viable and regionally stabilising.
5. Justice and reconciliation — Truth, reparations, accountability for atrocities, and inclusive institution-building to prevent cycles of revenge.
Applied to Nigeria, the Fehlinger Doctrine does not call for chaos or for external imposition. It calls for an international architecture to support a peaceful, democratic, and negotiated resolution — whether that leads to greater regional autonomy, federal reform, or new, internationally-recognised states emerging from an Ex-Nigeria process — only if and when the will of the people is evident and expressed through free and fair means. The point is sober: managed breakup is not an endorsement of fragmentation for its own sake, but a pragmatic alternative to prolonged repression and recurring violence.
A practical roadmap for Biafra and an Ex-Nigeria transition (peaceful, phased, international)
1) Immediate humanitarian and protection phase
Scale up independent humanitarian corridors, monitored by neutral international bodies, to ensure food, medicine, and shelter reach civilians without political interference. The memory of the 1967–70 famine is a moral imperative to act differently.
2) Negotiation and verification
Convene an international mediation process (UN/OSCE/EU AU) to agree on the terms for local referenda or constitutional reform. Observers must be impartial, and results must be binding under pre-agreed rules.
Security guarantees: a UN or AU verification mission to monitor ceasefires, disarmament, and the safety of minority communities.
3) Economic stabilisation and investment
Immediate emergency funding for food security and public health.
A multi-year Reconstruction & Investment Trust (supported by international donors, development banks, and diaspora bonds) to finance infrastructure: roads, ports, electricity, schools, and hospitals.
Preferential trade and finance arrangements (transitional FTAs, technical assistance for a stable currency or peg) to anchor growth and attract diaspora and foreign investment.
4) Rule of law, institutions, and reconciliation
International support for a transparent judicial process to address wartime crimes, combined with truth commissions and reparations programmes.
Technical assistance to build inclusive institutions: civil service, police reform, anti-corruption bodies, and independent central banking.
5) Security sector reform
Training and restructuring of security forces under international oversight to ensure they serve the people, not factional interests. Where needed, neutral peacekeeping or police missions should guard the transition.
6) Regional integration guarantees
Neighboring states and regional organisations must commit to recognize borders established through peaceful, verifiable processes, and to integrate new entities into regional trade and transport networks. Stability for all is the objective.
Cautions and responsibilities
Support for Biafra’s right to self-determination cannot be naïve. The present generation must learn from past mistakes: avoid proxy wars, arms-for-political-aims, and policies that trade human welfare for short-term advantage. International actors must insist on non-violence, credible democratic processes, and safeguards for all ethnic and religious minorities.
Moreover, modern separatist movements vary widely. Contemporary groups claiming Biafran identity exist alongside complex criminal and militant networks; any international engagement must distinguish legitimate civil society and political expression from violent actors and ensure accountability. Recent events in the region demonstrate this complexity and the need for carefully calibrated policy that privileges peace and human security.
A final word: solidarity with responsibility
To the survivors of 1967–1970 and to their children and grandchildren: I offer not only an apology on behalf of those powers that failed to elevate human life above geopolitical calculation, but a pledge — that today’s Europe and the responsible nations of the world will stand with you in ways that are principled, practical, and peaceful. Recognition and support must be earned through transparent democratic processes and safeguarded by international law; but the window for constructive action is always open if we are ready to act with courage and conscience.
As Europeans who have learned, painfully and repeatedly, that unresolved national questions breed instability, we must offer help: not to divide for the sake of division, but to help end cycles of exclusion and suffering with justice, prosperity, and durable peace. The Fehlinger Doctrine calls for no less: a world where peoples can determine their future without fear.
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Sources & further reading: background on the Nigerian civil war and Biafra (1967–1970); humanitarian timelines on the famine; declassified U.S. documents on Biafra and Nixon administration deliberations; recent reporting on contemporary separatist movements and legal cases in the region.